China, the United States, and Southeast Asia : contending by Sheldon W. Simon, Evelyn Goh

Political Freedom

By Sheldon W. Simon, Evelyn Goh

Advent / Evelyn Goh and Sheldon W. Simon -- pt. I. Economics. From "threat" to "opportunity"? : ASEAN, China, and triangulation / Etel Solingen -- China's upward thrust and its influence on ASEAN-China exchange family / Suthiphand Chirathivat -- ASEAN and China : competitiveness, investment-trade styles, and fiscal and fiscal integration / Tan Khee Giap -- China's look for power safeguard : the consequences for Southeast Asia / Mikkal Herberg -- pt. II. Politics. China's upward thrust, Southeast Asia, and the U.S. : is a China-centered order marginalizing the USA? / Robert Sutter -- among China and the US : ASEAN's nice energy dilemmas / Alice Ba -- Indonesia in triangular kinfolk with China and the us / Irman Lanti -- pt. III. army. China as an enormous Asian strength : the consequences of its army modernization (a view from the us) / Paul H.B. Godwin -- China's army upward push to nice energy prestige : its implications for the USA in Southeast Asia / Michael Chambers -- army modernization, energy projection, and the increase of the PLA : strategic implications for Southeast Asia / Bernard bathroom lavatory

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Extra resources for China, the United States, and Southeast Asia : contending perspectives on politics, security, and economics

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Furthermore, as Chinese firms build manufacturing plants in ASEAN countries, they are likely to displace local producers of consumer appliances, Malaysian cars, and Singaporean digital technology. ACFTA is thus alleged to have been designed, from China’s standpoint, to promote Chinese business activities in the southwest provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guangxi, as a way of resolving one of the crucial domestic gaps in China cited earlier. A final criticism suggests that too many FTA’s between individual ASEAN members and external powers could erode trade liberalization among the ASEAN-10, erecting artificial barriers.

By 1995 China had overtaken ASEAN at about 11 and 8 percent respectively. 6 percent average since 1998. 3, China has overtaken ASEAN since the mid-1990s in its share of From “threat” to “opportunity”? 3 Relative percentages of world FDI and of Asian FDI captured by China and ASEAN, 1980–2003 world FDI but after 2000 the gap has grown more markedly, with China attracting about 10 percent of the world FDI as opposed to ASEAN’s less than 4 percent. Regarding the relative percentages of all FDI inflows into East Asia (excluding South Asia) captured by China and ASEAN during that period, the contrast is even more apparent, with ASEAN attracting a high of over 60 percent of all FDI inflows into East Asia in 1980 but progressively declining to below 20 percent after 2000.

There are several ways to draw the divide, but a crude one is the fault line between maritime Southeast Asia (the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore), and continental Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam, with Thailand occupying an ambiguous position in between). The so-called CLMV countries have strategic landscapes that are dominated by China, due to a combination of geography, history, and a lack of alternatives. 11 Such fault lines will expand as Chinese influence in the region increases, with significant implications for ASEAN solidarity and thus its collective regional strategy and identity.

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